We Are What We Eat and We Eat What We Are – Cannibalism in John Mirk’s Festial; a Transgression against God vs. a Mystical Union with Christ

Joanna Witkowska - PhD Medieval Studies

Image One: A Jewish Woman Devouring Her Child during the Siege of Jerusalem, c. 1413-1415, J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, MS. 63, fol. 241. (http://www.getty.edu)

There are three narratives in John Mirk’s Festial that can contribute to a discussion about cannibalism – one is about a cannibal mother, another presents a miracle of a bleeding host, and the third one is a story of a Jewish boy receiving the Eucharist from the Virgin Mary.

Unlike most of the other didactic stories of the Festial, the aim of the narrative involving the cannibal mother (Powell 2009, pp. 107-108, ll. 82-92; pp. 125-126, ll. 110-124) is ambiguous, as the narrative in question does not follow a simple 'sin-punishment' order. Hunger and cannibalism are the outcome, already a punishment for the shameful act of rejecting and killing Christ. This can be seen as a warning against committing similar mistakes, or enacting a similar rejection, which can apply to any nation or society. In the end, it may all be about the context, which for the Festial was the Hundred Years’ War (1337-1453), the fairly fresh memory of the Black Death (c. 1348-1350), the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, and the vigorous activity of the Lollards, who questioned some dogmas of the church, including the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist.

Cannibalism is universally considered to be a marker of ‘otherness’, which is reflected in the narrative – a Jewish woman committing an inhuman act is a representative of the nation she belongs to, as opposed to Christian society, where such an act would be unthinkable (Heng 1998, p. 110). However, despite Christianity’s condemnation of cannibalism, it is also a feature of Christian society. For example, some Christian knights participating in the First Crusade were allegedly quite barbaric: cannibalism reported at the siege of Ma’arra, among other locations, presents Christian inhumanity towards Saracen opponents (p. 103).

Which is then more barbaric – a Jewish mother eating her child, or a Christian Crusader eating bodies of his fallen enemies? It may be argued that the woman in the sermon is, in a way, more barbaric, because she kills her child specifically for the purpose of eating it. On the other hand, though the crusaders eat the bodies of their enemies to prevent their own starvation, hunger is not the reason for the killing. Objectively, both actions are equally barbaric, but not to the Medieval Christian audience. The inhumanity of eating a child clashes with the idea of eating those who are considered God’s enemies (Ambrisco 1999, p. 507).

In the Festial, Mirk’s narrative is not focused on the actions of the woman, but on God’s vengeance. It may be going too far to say that Mirk's anti-Lollard writing had anything to do with this story. However, Lollardy, and heresy in general, was considered a rejection of Christ, an attack on His Church, and a betrayal of the one true faith. If the fall of Jerusalem is an example of divine punishment – torment reserved for those who actively oppose Christ – then reform according to Lollard beliefs would qualify for a similar type of retribution.

Image Two: Bleeding Host of Dijon, Hours of Mary of Burgundy, c, 1470s. Vienna, National Library MS. 1857, folio 2v

Eucharistic cannibalism in Mirk’s Festial is best presented in a narrative about a baker, Lasyna, who does not believe in Transubstantiation because she bakes the host wafers and is certain that there is nothing extraordinary about them (Powell 2009, pp. 158-159, ll. 163-180). Gregory the Great and the whole community pray for a miracle and the Eucharist wafer turns into a piece of bleeding flesh, which is presented as proof of the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament. Here, cannibalism seems acceptable and no one is disturbed by it – it is God’s miracle. Clearly, even if one believes in the real presence of Christ’s flesh in the Eucharist, there is a significant difference between consuming raw human flesh and consuming it in the form of bread (Himmelman 1997, p. 187). However, Geraldine Heng argues that the underlying cannibalism of the Eucharist could have contributed to the reoccurring emergence of dissent groups denying the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament (Heng 1998, p.109).

Image Three: Desecration of the host, British Library MS. Harley 7026. Detail of a marginal painting of two men desecrating the host, in the lower margin of the folio. (http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/illuminatedmanuscripts/welcome.htm)

A story connected both to miracles of a bleeding host and to a narrative of a cannibal woman is a story about a Jewish boy receiving Eucharist from the Virgin Mary (Powell 2011, pp. 205-206, ll. 201-220). As Miri Rubin argues in her book Gentile Tales, the story was common and would usually be connected to stories of host desecration, blood drinking, and the kidnapping of Christian children by Jewish people (Rubin 1999, p. 122). These accusation stories seem to intensify, starting with episodes of stealing and desecrating host wafers, which were believed to be Christ’s flesh, and evolving into these kidnappings. The Jewish boy in the narrative receives Communion and his father tries to kill him for it. In the context of sacred cannibalism that takes place here, the boy becomes spiritually one with Christ – he is figuratively Christ – and the father’s attempt to kill his son metaphorically represents the situation of Christ’s Crucifixion. The father is a representative of the nation blamed for killing Jesus, just like the cannibal mother.

In conclusion, whether literal or figurative, cannibalism seems to cause unease. The disturbing nature of literal cannibalism is unquestionable, whether it is a mother killing her child to satiate hunger, or a hungry crusader knight desperately eating his enemies. It is therefore a perfect medium to convey otherness, either as a sign of the barbarity of the enemy, or as a statement of one’s own national identity. The figurative cannibalism involved in consuming the Eucharist is no less disturbing, especially if it resulted in dissent over the real presence of Christ’s flesh in the Sacrament. However, its cannibalistic nature is hidden and it is a more acceptable notion. After all, literal cannibalism often qualifies as divine punishment, in absolute contrast to the Eucharist, which is a blessing in disguise and a bodily and spiritual cure.

Works Cited

Ambrisco, Alan S. “Cannibalism and Cultural Encounters in Richard Coeur de Lion.” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies. Duke University Press. Fall 1999, 29:3, pp. 499-528.

Heng, Geraldine. “Cannibalism, the First Crusade, and the Genesis of Medieval Romance. " Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies. 10.1, 1998, pp. 98-174.

Himmelman, Kenneth P. “The Medicinal Body: An Analysis of Medicinal Cannibalism in Europe, 1300-1700.” Dialectical Anthropology. Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1997, 22: pp. 183-203.

Powell, Susan, ed. A Critical Edition of John Mirk's ‘Festial’, edited from British Library MS Cotton Claudius A.II: Volume 1. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.

---. A Critical Edition of John Mirk's ‘Festial’, edited from British Library MS Cotton Claudius A.II: Volume 2. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.

Rubenstein, Jay. “Cannibals and Crusaders.” French Historical Studies. Duke University Press. 22 Sep 2008, pp. 525-552.

Rubin, Miri. Gentile Tales: the Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews. London: Yale University Press, 1999.

Pastoral Care of Women in John Mirk's Festial

Joanna Witkowska – PhD Department of English

The few women saints that the Festial concentrates on are the Virgin Mary, her mother St. Anne, St. Margaret, Mary Magdalene, St. Catherine, St. Elizabeth and St. Winifred. Due to the details of those saints’ lives and their lifestyles, the sermons that refer to them in this collection of sermons revolve around the topics of virginity, chastity, motherhood and marriage.

In the Festial, virginity is presented as superior to marriage. Mirk writes that Christ “louid specialy alle þat woldon leven in chastite...” (Powell 2009, p. 181, l. 20-1). Thus, though both vocations are presented by Mirk as blessed by God, virginity is preferred. A good example is the calling of St. John, who, according to the sermon on the feast of St. Mary Magdalene, was engaged to Mary, but chose to follow Christ, leading her to moral ruin. God is also presented as favouring chastity because marriage is inseparably connected with procreation, and therefore sex. The Festial states that “fleschly cowpul of mon and womon ys vnclene in hymself, þerfore leue wel þat oure Lady [the Virgin Mary] (…) conseyved not of coupul of mon, but only of þe Holy Gost, so þat heo [was] clene of al maner fulþe touchyng conseyt of mon” (Powell 2009, p. 56, l. 32-5). It is the “fulþe touchyng” of men that makes the act unclean. There is no similar mention of women, perhaps because this sermon is addressed to women, and they have to be warned against sin, which may come from male influence. In sermons about male saints, where male virginity or chastity are strongly advocated and praised, women are the temptresses, in either human or demonic form, and men are warned against them.

This subsection on virginity and chastity has not yet been fully developed, as my focus so far has been on marriage and motherhood; overall, marriage and motherhood are inseparable in John Mirk's Festial, and the main division is between actual and spiritual marriage and motherhood. As the previous subsection stated, chastity is considered superior to matrimony in the Festial, and consequently spiritual marriage and motherhood are considered superior to ordinary marriage and motherhood. The most basic definition of a spiritual marriage is that it is a transcendent relationship between a nun or saintly woman and God, similar to the relationships male saints or clerics could have with the Virgin Mary. Spiritual motherhood is the relationship between, for example, a mother superior and the other nuns in a convent, or a female saint and the people she converts to Christianity, or her female followers in a convent-like environment. Almost all female saints that are mentioned in the Festial are spiritual mothers and wives. In entering a spiritual marriage, they choose God over mortal men, which is praised, because in this way they distance themselves from Eve, who chose Adam over God. Mirk mentions this in the marriage sermon, when he describes the rite of marriage (Powell 2011, p. 254, l. 68-71).

The main physical wives and mothers of the Festial are the Virgin Mary, her mother Anne, and Elizabeth, mother of John the Baptist. The principal conclusion I have drawn from their lives is that they seem to possess more agency than their husbands; the Virgin Mary is the prime example of this. Mary's marriage is not a typical one, and she can even be seen to have two spouses, God the Father and St. Joseph (Parsons 1996, p. 77). In the sermon on the Nativity of Christ, Joseph decides to take Mary to Bethlehem for protection during her pregnancy, and goes to look for midwives when Mary asks him to. In the sermon on Epiphany, he takes care of Mary when she is resting after her labour, using a large part of the Three Kings' gold to ensure her health and comfort. Showing Joseph in this light provides an example for the husbands of the parish, highlighting how they should treat their pregnant wives.

However, the Annunciation sermon presents Joseph as a holy 'old' man, who “knew þat scheo [Mary] hadde made a vowe (…) þat scheo wolde neurer haue parte of mannus body” (Powell 2009, p. 94, l. 64-5), but who still decided to marry her, even after he learned of her pregnancy, though only because of a miraculous angelic intervention. He appears to be a useful tool in God's plan, and is supposed to take care of the Virgin, but lacks other characteristics of a real husband; he cannot consummate his marriage and he must help with Mary's birth, which makes him almost a midwife and gives him feminine characteristics. Pamela Sheingorn writes that church art of the time, which presents both Joseph and God the Father as old men, reinforces the idea of fatherly protection as extended by a husband. This church art also stresses both paternal and maternal characteristics of a husband, as it includes images of God cradling souls in his lap, following the Jewish notion of the souls of the dead resting on Abraham's Bosom (Parsons 1996, p. 81). However, the difference between the Virgin Mary's earthly and heavenly spouses is that while the Father-God does not lose His masculinity when He gains the feminine features of a mother, Joseph’s depiction as a tender, caring and passive father, combined with his old age, renders him a feminine figure, less respected as a man, almost a housewife. Thus, he is mocked in some medieval writings (Parsons 1996, p. 84, 106) and refused a halo in paintings (p. 84).

My research still requires more context from other sermon collections of the time, and more development of all of its subsections, especially the section on virginity and chastity; childbearing and breastfeeding are also important. Additionally, I have yet to focus on the women sinners in the text. What I have discovered, however, suggests Mirk's awareness of his female parishioners' pastoral needs, which might have influenced the popularity of the Festial.

Bibliography

Atkinson, Nancy E. “John Mirk’s Holy Women.” Papers on Language and Literature. Fall 2007, Vol. 43, Issue 4, p. 339-62.

Barr, Beth Allison. The Pastoral Care of Women in Late Medieval England. Boydell Press, 2008.

Beattie, Cordelia. Medieval Single Women: The Politics of Social Classification in Late Medieval England. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2008. Web. 25 Mar. 2014.

McSheffrey, Shannon. Gender and Heresy: Women and Men in Lollard Communities, 1420-1530. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995.

Parsons, John C. and Bonnie Wheeler, eds. Medieval Mothering. New York and London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1996.

Peacock, Edward, ed. Instructions for Parish Priests. By John Myrc. Edited from Cotton MS. Claudius A. II. London: Early English Text Society, 1868.

Powell, Susan, ed. A Critical Edition of John Mirk's ‘Festial’, edited from British Library MS Cotton Claudius A.II: Volume 1. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.

---. A Critical Edition of John Mirk's ‘Festial’, edited from British Library MS Cotton Claudius A.II: Volume 2. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.

'Many have loved treachery, but none the traitor': Identity and Allegiance in Barbour's Bruce and Hary's Wallace

Callum Watson - PhD History

Treachery was one of the most serious social taboos in the kingdoms of north-western Europe in the medieval period. Consequently, the harshest punishments were reserved for traitors and oath breakers. For Scottish writers in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, this problem grew all the more acute due to the nature of the conflict between the kingdom and its southern neighbour. As is often observed, Scotland had far fewer resources to draw upon than England, which meant that not only could Scotland not afford to lose assets to England, but also that serving English interests could offer more lucrative rewards than remaining loyal to the King of Scots. For instance, when Archibald ‘the Grim’ secured the earldom of Douglas in 1389, disaffected members of his predecessor’s affinity offered their services and local expertise to Richard II. Barely ten years later, George Dunbar, earl of March, who had been instrumental in the prosecution of the war in the 1380s, was incensed by the increasing political closeness of the duke of Rothesay and Dunbar’s local rival the earl of Douglas. He not only defected, but also led cross-border raids against his former adherents on behalf of Henry IV. The responses of late medieval Scottish writers to the problem of shifting aristocratic allegiance can thus be quite illuminating, as in the case of John Barbour – whose long narrative poem The Bruce, recounting the life and career of King Robert I and his chief lieutenants, was composed in the mid-1370s (Barbour 1997) – and Blind Hary – who borrowed heavily from Barbour when producing a poetic biography of William Wallace around a century after Barbour was writing (Blind Hary 1968-69).

Execution by hanging, drawing and quartering, a punishment commonly reserved for traitors (Bibliotheque Nationale MS Fr. 2643, folio 197v)

For Barbour, loyalty was the most important virtue an individual could possess:

“With a vertu and leawté
A man may yeit sufficyand be,
And but leawté may nane haiff price
Quether he be wycht or he be wys,”
J. Barbour, The Bruce, Bk. 1, ll. 367-370

In The Bruce, villainous characters are frequently portrayed as traitors, and often the greatest disasters that the Scots suffer are the result of treachery. However, switching sides does not necessarily qualify as treasonous behaviour for Barbour, and this has to do with the concept of reciprocal lordship. Ideally speaking, a vassal was expected to subordinate his own ambitions in favour of those of his lord, and be willing to put himself through danger and hardship to accomplish his lord’s aims. In return, a lord was expected to generously reward his followers for their efforts with the fruits of their combined labour. However, if a lord failed to live up to his responsibilities in this regard, a vassal had cause to repudiate a previously sworn oath and seek a lord who would behave in a more proper manner. The key example of this principle at work in The Bruce is Thomas Randolph, earl of Moray. Moray is captured by the English at the Battle of Methven and is ‘made English’. When he is eventually recaptured by Sir James Douglas, he is brought before King Robert and rebukes the king for employing guerrilla tactics against the English, instead of meeting them in open battle. This challenge to Bruce’s preferred tactics – the promotion of which is another major theme of The Bruce – indicates Moray’s dissatisfaction with the king. While he is ultimately proven to be mistaken, this serves to justify Moray’s apparent willingness to switch sides without tarnishing his reputation for loyalty. In practical terms, the appeal of this principle is plain to see. If a powerful individual grew frustrated with a lack of patronage or apparent mistreatment by a social superior, they might legitimately seek redress in the service of another. Furthermore, to do so did not necessarily mean the complete abrogation of the previous arrangement and could serve as a tool to force a renegotiation of the former relationship to the benefit of the offended party. Certainly this principle could be used to defend the actions of the likes of Malcolm Drummond in 1389 or George Dunbar in 1400.

19^th-century representation of some of the key characters from Barbour’s Bruce and Hary’s Wallace (http://www.rampantscotland.com/famous/blfamfrieze.htm)

Hary’s Wallace is notable for, among other things, its vehemently anti-English sentiment. This has been used in support of the notion that The Wallace was written as a piece of anti-English propaganda in response to James III’s overtures for peace with England, possibly in support of the duke of Albany’s attempts to use this anti-English feeling to usurp his brother’s power. However, an alternative interpretation of the poem sees The Wallace as a more conservative work, which in fact encourages its readers to hold to the traditional values for which the Scottish monarchy is supposed to stand in times of crisis. For most of the poem, Bruce is in the service of the English king and is effectively an enemy of the kingdom he should rightfully rule. When Wallace and Bruce finally meet – standing on opposite sides of the River Carron after the Battle of Falkirk – Bruce asks Wallace why he resists the English and Wallace responds that he is only fulfilling the role that Bruce himself should take. This exchange is interesting because it is the most explicit summation of Wallace’s reasoning for his actions, and it seems that this is the attitude that Hary wishes to encourage in his audience. In times of uncertainty, when the king is not fulfilling the responsibilities associated with his role, his subjects should uphold the values for which the king should stand until the king (or his legitimate heir) accepts his proper responsibilities.

Resistance to royal authority in action!

Both writers accept, and even anticipate, a degree of resistance to royal authority, but ultimately they advocate ideas designed to instil greater stability in the Scottish political community. For Barbour, loyalty was paramount, but the relationship between powerful individuals had to be reciprocal in order for them to remain stable. For Hary, the ‘proper’ response to ineffectual kingship was loyalty to the institution of Scottish kingship – if not necessarily to the king himself – particularly in times of crisis and uncertainty.


General bibliography:

J. Barbour, The Bruce, (A.A.M. Duncan ed. & trans.), (Edinburgh: Canongate, 1997)

Blind Hary, The Wallace, (M.P. McDiarmid ed.), (Edinburgh: Scottish Text Society, 1968-69), 2 volumes

S. Boardman, The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III 1371-1406, (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1996)

R. J. Goldstein, The Matter of Scotland: Historical Narrative in Medieval Scotland (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993)